John F. Kennedy Civil Rights Address 11 June 1963
This afternoon, following a series of threats and defiant statements, the presence of Alabama National Guardsmen was required on the University of Alabama to carry out the final and unequivocal order of the United States District Court of the Northern District of Alabama. That order called for the admission of two clearly qualified young Alabama residents who happened to have been born Negro.
That they were admitted peacefully on the campus is due in good measure to the conduct of the students of the University of Alabama, who met their responsibilities in a constructive way. I hope that every American, regardless of where he lives, will stop and examine his conscience about this and other related incidents. This Nation was founded by men of many nations and backgrounds. It was founded on the principle that all men are created equal, and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened.
Today, we are committed to a worldwide struggle to promote
and protect the rights of all who wish to be free. And when
Americans are sent to Vietnam or West Berlin, we do not ask
for whites only. It oughta be possible, therefore, for American
students of any color to attend any public institution they
select without having to be backed up by troops.
It oughta to be possible for American consumers of any color
to receive equal service in places of public accommodation,
such as hotels and restaurants and theaters and retail stores,
without being forced to resort to demonstrations in the street,
and it oughta be possible for American citizens of any color
to register and to vote in a free election without interference
or fear of reprisal. It oughta to be possible, in short, for
every American to enjoy the privileges of being American without
regard to his race or his color. In short, every American ought
to have the right to be treated as he would wish to be treated,
as one would wish his children to be treated. But this is not
the case.
The Negro baby born in America today, regardless of the section
of the State in which he is born, has about one-half as much
chance of completing a high school as a white baby born in
the same place on the same day, one-third as much chance of
completing college, one-third as much chance of becoming a
professional man, twice as much chance of becoming unemployed,
about one-seventh as much chance of earning $10,000 a year,
a life expectancy which is 7 years shorter, and the prospects
of earning only half as much.
This is not a sectional issue. Difficulties over segregation
and discrimination exist in every city, in every State of the Union,
producing in many cities a rising tide of discontent that threatens
the public safety. Nor is this a partisan issue. In a time of domestic
crisis men of good will and generosity should be able to unite regardless
of party or politics. This is not even a legal or legislative issue
alone. It is better to settle these matters in the courts than on the
streets, and new laws are needed at every level, but law alone cannot
make men see right. We are confronted primarily with a moral issue.
It is as old as the Scriptures and is as clear as the American Constitution.
The heart of the question is whether all Americans are to be afforded
equal rights and equal opportunities, whether we are
going to treat our fellow Americans as we want to be treated. If an
American, because his skin is dark, cannot eat lunch in a restaurant
open to the public, if he cannot send his children to the best public
school available, if he cannot vote for the public officials who will
represent him, if, in short, he cannot enjoy the full and free life
which all of us want, then who among us would be content to have the
color of his skin changed and stand in his place? Who among us would
then be content with the counsels of patience and delay?
One hundred years of delay have passed since President Lincoln freed
the slaves, yet their heirs, their grandsons, are not fully free. They
are not yet freed from the bonds of injustice. They are not yet freed
from social and economic oppression. And this Nation, for all its hopes
and all its boasts, will not be fully free until all its citizens are
free.
We preach freedom around the world, and we mean it, and we
cherish our freedom here at home, but are we to say to the
world, and much more importantly, to each other that this is
the land of the free except for the Negroes; that we have no
second-class citizens except Negroes; that we have no class
or caste system, no ghettoes, no master race except with respect
to Negroes?
Now the time has come for this Nation to fulfill its promise.
The events in Birmingham and elsewhere have so increased the
cries for equality that no city or State or legislative body
can prudently choose to ignore them.
The fires of frustration and discord are burning in every
city, North and South, where legal remedies are not at hand.
Redress is sought in the streets, in demonstrations, parades,
and protests which create tensions and threaten violence and
threaten lives.
We face, therefore, a moral crisis as a country and a people.
It cannot be met by repressive police action. It cannot be
left to increased demonstration.